ASIAN VALUES: THE MAGIC CHARM
The concept of "Asian values" is by no means readily understandable,
and its ambiguous nature has made it a source of heated debate. While
it seems that the concept surfaced only recently, against the backdrop
of the Asian economic crisis, the root of the debate goes back a long
way. In the late 19th century, Western thinkers, including Max Weber,
believed that in large part due to the nature of their culture, Asians
could not achieve the economic development that their Occidental counterparts
had. Ironically, the West attributed the conspicuous economic achievement
of Asians in the 1970s and 1980s to the same cultural characteristics.1)
However, at the end of the 1990's, when most Asian countries sank into
economic crisis, Westerners cast blame on the same cultural characteristics
as the principal cause of the crisis.
Two
years after the economic crisis, when Westerners witnessed signs that
Korea was muddling through the crisis, they again pointed to "Asian
values"as the driving force behind such a quick recovery. Keenly watching
all these developments, we are reminded of a Korean proverb, "All praise
and blame fall upon one`s ancestors." Westerners seem to relate everything
Asian, good or bad, to "Asian values."In fact, most complex issues such as
economic underdevelopment, radical economic growth, economic crisis, and
even overcoming the crisis, have been attributed to the magic charm called
Asian values. Against this backdrop, the paper seeks an answer to the
question: Do Asian values really exist?
FOUR DIFFERENT DEFINITIONS OF ASIAN VALUES
Groups concerned with the issue of Asian values can be subdivided into the following types:
Type A: Western scholars
Schools of Western thought looks at Asian values as a variable. In order
to explain the socio-economic phenomena of Asia, Western scholars from
the 1970s and 1980s, such as Herman Kahn and Ezra Vogel2) introduced the
concept of an "Asian development model"in order to account for
the economic miracles of East Asia. Thinkers of this period strove to
explore the secrets of Asian economic miracles as part of their efforts
to concoct methods to overcome the economic depression befalling their
own societies at the time. They believed that the intrinsic ingredients
of the Confucian culture, such as strong leadership, respect for cooperation
and hard work, commitment to education, and family-oriented human relations,
have served as the foundation of the region's economic growth, and they
called the idea "the Confucian capitalism."
In Ezra Vogel's Japan
as Number One and other such works (dealing with the business culture),
the authors claim that Americans should learn Asian styles of management.
However, during the latter half of the 1990s when the economic crisis hit
Asia, this view underwent a drastic turnaround. Suddenly, all inherent
characteristics of the region's culture, including nepotism, favoritism,
and cronyism were branded the culprits behind the economic crisis.
Accordingly, Western thinkers suggested that it was high time for Asian
countries to shed such outdated values and instead adopt transparent
management styles supported by market principles. However, critics
interpret this suggestion to be rhetoric propagated by First World
countries, particularly the United States, in order to establish economic
dominance over the Asian region.
Type B: Asian scholars
Although the concept of Confucian capitalism was born in the West, Japanese
scholars adopted it and gave it theoretical dimension. Scholars, including
Shimada Kenji,3) argued that Confucianism could fuel economic development
if it joined forces with capitalism, in much the same way as Puritanism
did.
Kim Il-gon was the first Korean scholar to take part in this discussion,
and in 1984, with the publication of his book entitled Order and Economy
in the Confucian Culture, he emerged as a major advocate of Confucian
capitalism. Kim not only claimed that the values essential to Confucianism,
such as reverence for education, esteem for centralized power, and human
relations based on hierarchy and filial piety, have contributed to the
economic advancement of the region, he argued that the problems stemming
from individualist and liberalist modes of thinking of the West could
be mitigated by the restoration of harmonious human relationships, as
taught in the Confucian tradition.
Interestingly enough, Confucian capitalism was gaining ground in Japan
during the 1980s, a time when the Japanese enjoyed high esteem, thanks
to the strong yen, ever-increasing disposable income, and growing consumption.
Likewise, for Koreans, It was a time for heightened international stature
and greater self-confidence. In addition to its soaring GNP, thanks to
the international opportunities represented by the "Three-Lows"-inflation,
interest rates, and oil prices, its success as the host of the 1988 Olympic
Games in Seoul fired the Korean patriotic spirit.
In Japan, however, the
last decade of the 20th century changed for the worse. The continuation of
the economic backlash, the need for economic restructuring, and a
re-evaluation of the Japanese style of business management combined to
subdue the voice heralding Confucian capitalism. Korea also took a second
look at the credibility of Confucian capitalism in the wake of the
economic crisis. In retrospect, it appears that the prevalence of the
Asian model of management and Confucian capitalism in both Japan and Korea
had its root in the rapid economic development of the two countries.
Type C: Asians who talk about Asian values in terms of post-colonialism
In Malaysia and Singapore, where national independence was not achieved
until the latter half of the 20th century, and only after considerable
suffering under Western colonial rule, the discussion of Asian values
has focused on harnessing these values into a positive means by which
to overcome negative colonial legacies.
Colonialism on the Malay peninsula goes as far back as the 16th century,
when the Portuguese, the first colonial rulers were replaced by the Dutch
in the 17th century, and later by the British in the 18th century. British
governance continued until the mid-20th century, when in 1963, the Malayan
Federation was launched, restoring the nation's sovereignty. Then, in
1965 Singapore separated from the federation and declared its independence
as the Republic of Singapore. Comprised of multiple ethnic, religious,
and linguistic groups, both countries have felt a strong need for powerful
leadership as well as for ideological convergence in the course of achieving
national integration. As countries that are virtually "newborn,"they
have felt compelled to establish national identities, and this need has
driven them to establish distinctly different cultures from their Western
colonizers. It was in this context that Asian values were used as an ideological
fundamental for national integration.
It is important to note that this policy advocating cultural distinction
does not automatically translate into an economic closed-door policy.
Both countries have aggressively pursued economic liberalization by inviting
foreign capital at an early stage of their economic development, and in
this sense, both countries have become leaders in the financial globalization
in Asia. On the other hand, former Prime Minister of Singapore, Lee Kuan
Yew,4) argued against
allowing the Western notion of human rights to take a foothold in his
country, calling it a new form of imperialism. He insisted that Western
systems should not be indiscriminately imposed on Asian cultures because
they are often inappropriate in the context of the East. Malaysian Prime
Minister Mahathir Mohamad went even further, saying that he would live in
poverty rather than bow to Western economic hegemony. Such arguments have
invited skepticism from Westerners, who assume them to be shrewd maneuvers
by Asian politicians to justify authoritarian governance under the banner
of Asian values. Nonetheless, the arguments merit academic attention in
that they represent attempts to defy imperialistic imposition of Western
values as universal values in all corners of the globe.
Type D: A Framework for the Post-modern Society
People in this group view Asian values as a mitigating force remedy the side effects of Western modernity. Tu Wei-ming5) at Harvard University believes that Western culture's emphasis on individualism and materialism is regressive, and that consequently, Western society is a moral vacuum, the fragmentation of ego, plagued by the dissolution of families and communities. In this vein he argues that Confucianism should be revived to serve as a basis for overcoming the cultural crisis in all industrialized societies. In other words, Confucian values would counteract the effects of Western values, and act as a rehabilitative foundation for post-modern society. David Hall and Roger Aims6) share the same position exalting Asian values, Confucianism in particular, as the means for coping with the cultural crisis of post-industrial society.
COOLING THE DEBATE ON ASIAN VALUES
So far, we have clarified that there is great diversity among those who talk about Asian values, and that the discourse not only is complex by even conflicting. Indeed, the multifarious discussions on Asian values is not only leading to confusion, but is creating a stumbling block to objective understanding of social, economic, and political phenomena. For a number of reasons, it is necessary to reduce discourse involving Asian values.
A. Geographically, Asia encompasses a huge area, much too large for a single way of thinking or a single set of values. Moreover, it comprises a wide range of ethnic groups, languages, cultures, and religions, and because of such diversity, it is virtually impossible to identify a single integrated value system capable of binding such disparate groups. And finally, though it is not obvious from the surface, the concept of "Asian values"masks the presence of its exact opposite: "Western values."In this regard, we can say that the concept of Asia as a counterpart of the West is tinged with Orientalism. If we were to conceive of Asia, not in opposition to the West, but as a counterpart of Africa, we would end up enlisting cultural characteristics that are substantially different from the set by which we now define Asia. Understanding this, we can say that Asia as a cultural unit is imaginary, an ideological construct created by Westerners with a view to differentiating all other people from themselves, and thus objectifying them.
B. Culture is not a fixed entity; it is an ongoing process of creation, transformation, and change. Accordingly, any assumptions of an invariable cultural entity overlooks the dynamics of cultural change. According to a number of recent anthropological and sociological reports, the value systems of young Japanese and Koreans have undergone drastic shifts. Of those changes, concerns about freedom, democracy, self-sufficiency and individualism report swift dissemination, whereas authoritarian or communitarian values have become increasingly weakened. In light of this, the generalization that Asian culture is invariably authoritarian and nepotistic is erroneous, in that it defines culture as a fixed reality.
C. "Asian values" is a construct created with a certain intention
in a certain context. In Singapore and Malaysia in particular, Asian values
have been intentionally stressed as representing their cultural singularity
with a view to securing national identity and unity. Koreans had similar
experiences during Park Chung-hee`s the Third Republic, when discussions
of "Korean-Style Democracy"and "Loyalty and Filial Piety"were
promoted to emphasize the cultural "specialness"of Korea. Under
the development-oriented dictatorship, Korea`s culture, especially its
Confucian values, were exploited in order to mobilize the entire population.
In Taiwan, prior to the emergence of the opposing Democratic Progressive
Party, Confucian values had been hailed by the government as a means to
resist the socialist regime on the mainland, while extending the reign
of the ruling Kuomintang (KMT). In mainland China, on the other hand,
the cultural identity of the Chinese people was continually emphasized,
with a view to inducing the influx of capital from Chinese citizens overseas
following reform and liberalization. Cultural identity was also promoted
as a way to advance the return of Hong Kong and unification by the absorption
of Taiwan.
A closer analysis of East Asian stress on cultural distinction reveals
the purpose that such discussion is meant to achieve.
D. An approach to social phenomena from the perspective of cultural discourse
is superficial. Scholars cite Confucian values, a common heritage among
East Asian countries, as the reason for the rapid economic growth of the
region as a whole. Despite the apparent similarity, however, each country
in East Asia shows substantial uniqueness in its background and the conditions
of its economic development. Furthermore, culture cannot stand as an independent
variable in explaining economic phenomena.
Using cultural factors as one of the major variables with which to explain
the economic achievement of Korea could lead to dismissing the nature
of its capitalist economic regime, or the internal and external factors
surrounding the Korean peninsula. In order to explain the economic takeoff
that Korea has recorded during the last three to four decades, such socio-economic
issues as the weave of the social fabric, modes of production, and production
relations must be addressed in tandem with socio-political factors, including
the division of the nation, the rise of a military dictatorship, and the
spread of the anti-communist ideology.
Directing our attention exclusively to cultural factors while shutting
out politico-economic factors could be called a "cultural determinist"approach,
one which can be compared to erecting the foundation on top of a building,
not vice versa.
E. The specifics of Asian values such as authoritarianism and communitarianism
are hardly the exclusive property of Asia: instead they are negative values
omnipresent in every modern society that has not yet fully matured. Corruption,
bribery, favoritism, collectivism, and authoritarianism, among many others,
have frequently been pointed out as representative Asian values, especially
since the economic crisis hit the region.
Needless to say, these values can also be found in non-Asian countries
such as Brazil, Mexico, and Russia. Then can we say that Brazilian and
Mexican societies are corrupt because they have "Confucian traditions"?
In every society influenced by lingering pre-modern precepts, we can easily
identify such factors as patriarchal authoritarianism, communitarianism,
and nepotism. Patriarchal authority, loyalty, family-ism, and sectarianism
are inherent in the group mentality that still prevails in Greece and
Italy. Should we say then that this is a result of contamination by Asian
values? It is a general phenomenon that in countries that embark on a
modernization route later than most Western countries, pre-modern values
represented by authoritarianism or nepotism fail to become harmonized
with emerging systems. This failure leads such countries to suffer from
the negative effects of outdated and dysfunctional values more severely
and extensively than in Western countries.
Great Britain`s case merits our attention because it revised and complemented
its anti-corruption laws more than a dozen times in the course of undergoing
the process of modernization. It bears witness to the fact that the transformation
from a pre-modern lifestyle into a modern system requires continuous innovation
along with numerous trials and errors. Koreans have striven to achieve
the grand task that those in the West spent three centuries to fulfill,
i.e., modernization, and in less than one tenth of the time. Realizing
this ambitious task in a society where various social sectors lack autonomy
has left pre-modern values to precipitate and has deepened the negative
effects and dysfunctions.
It is unwise to blame a
nation's inherent cultural characteristics for its transitional
distortions. Rather, it is more desirable to rationally determine the
causes for failure of traditional values in public sectors of civil
society, while at the same time devising a systematic approach to
preventing such dysfunction.
FUNCTIONS AND DYSFUNCTIONS OF TRADITIONAL VALUES IN THE MODERNIZATION PROCESS
Just as a coin has two sides, Asian values include both positive and
negative aspects. Strong leadership, group loyalty, reverence for family,
community awareness, harmonious human relations, and virtues such as cooperation,
unity, frugality, and modesty, enthusiasm toward education and self-actualization
represent one side, while patriarchal authoritarianism, sectarianism,
an intricate web of relationships, favoritism, and corruption and bribery
occupy the other side. Components as diverse as these are sometimes cited
as cultural variables that affect the economic development of the Asian
region, and sometimes as factors that contributed to the economic crisis
and to the underdeveloped social structures of the same region.
Undeniably, the values often cited by advocates of the Asian value-centered
approaches correspond to the two sides of a coin. Strong leadership, for
instance, serves as a powerful driving engine for a group when its orientation
is sound and when consensus among group members is reached. On the other
hand, it can degenerate into patriarchal authoritarianism or dictatorial
power when it is steered in the wrong direction or if public consensus
is absent. As for family-oriented attitudes and community awareness, they
can function as psychological mechanisms with which to induce strong solidarity
and group cooperation internally. However, they can be easily transformed
into closed collectivism if the community involved fails to keep its door
open to others in the public sector or in its relationship with other
groups. Another feature of traditional values, particularly the emphasis
on human relations, is not an exception. Whereas it can provide emotional
solidarity and security to those inside the group involved, it can also
precipitate into favoritism or excessive emphasis on the relationship
network.
Needless to say, Western values are no different. Whereas a sense of autonomy
and individual rights serve to protect human dignity, they can likewise
be a source of weakening community awareness if too much emphasis is placed
on individualism. This would in turn result in fragmented ego, egoism,
and moral vacuum would prevail in every corner of society. Family disintegration,
reliance on drugs and violence, random shootings, and anomie, among others,
exemplify the negative effects of Western values. A value fulfills its
function constructively if it is pursued appropriately within the proper
range where it can function effectively. However, it can also result in
dysfunction if it is pursued beyond the range of its application.
While
Koreans embarked on the pursuit of modernization much later than the West,
resulting in both advantages and disadvantages, they can exploit their
advantage as late-starters, because they can learn from the mistakes made
by Westerners instead of blindly following in their footsteps.
RE-DEMARCATION OF THE AREAS OF TRADITIONAL VALUES
From this point on, the discussion will shift from the term Asian values
to Korean cultural traditions, since the term "Asian values"is
deeply tinged by Orientalism, and will further muddy the waters. Liberalists,
who base their discussion on the Western modernization process, claim
that in the traditional culture of Korea there is no clear-cut demarcation
between the public and the private sectors, consequently leading to widespread
favoritism and problematic intricacies in the network of relationships.
What should be noted, however, is the fact that a culture, regardless
of its nature, cannot maintain social order without a certain degree of
division between the two sectors. For instance, a devoted mother frequently
goes into her son`s room, cleaning, putting away his laundry, and making
up his bed until the son`s marriage. However, no matter how devoted a
mother is, she would not be allowed to enter her son's room at once when
he starts to share his room with his wife. This shows that a new sector
of public and privacy emerges even within a family by virtue of separation
from the rest, and the aggregation of a multiple number of private sectors
gives birth to the public sector. If the devoted mother were to continue
expressing her love for her son in the same way, refusing to adapt to
the changed environment, her behavior would make her daughter-in-law very
uncomfortable. A change in the system and the institutional arrangement
requires a corresponding change in attitudes and behavior. Otherwise,
what was positive in the past can become a negative in the present.
In the course of making transitions where traditional values and modern
systems coexist, such complications as discussed above can be seen in
a significant number of instances. Should we then shed all of our traditional
values and consider them unnecessary in today`s society? Although the
authoritarianism and sexism found in traditional values should be duly
criticized, other positive elements and merits should likewise be maximized
and promoted to the extent that they fulfill positive functions in modern
society. We still need traditional values to relieve the modernization
problems that arise from overstressing individualism and materialism.
Those of us who seek to
promote traditional values must exert efforts toward institutionalization
and demarcation. It is our task to re-demarcate the sectors where
traditional values can effectively function as well as where they fail to
do so, with a view to identifying areas in which traditional values can
properly interface with the systems of contemporary society. At the same
time, we should make efforts to institutionalize the results of
demarcation by adopting the appropriate social structures such as laws and
institutional systems.
TRADITION AS A BASIS FOR NEW PROGRESS
Until now, Korea's driving ambition has been to move from the periphery
toward becoming a central member of the global regime. Blinded by the
myth of quantitative economic growth, it has denied itself the opportunity
to re-define the direction in which Korean society should evolve. It has
been relatively preoccupied with exploiting superficial economic bubbles,
without stopping to consult a blueprint for quality of life and ideal
human society. This blind pursuit has resulted in the isolation and oppression
of laborers, increased unemployment, a greater dependency on foreign capital,
a contaminated eco-system, and the devastation of human values. This has
forced us to choose between two worlds: one wherein a limited number of
rulers reign over the majority, or one in which justice and solidarity
are realized and all members of the society share the wealth. At the same
time we are asked to choose between enslavement by the market, leading
to over-production and over-consumption, and the pursuit of a lifestyle
balancing production and consumption, thus harmonizing mankind and nature.
Are we supposed to remain content with the principles of economic rationality
and market autonomy at a time when our neighbors are falling behind, falling
victim to relentless economic force? Or, should we opt for another alternative?
Should we favor the latter, is it at all possible to have a new alternative
that will liberate human beings from the yoke of capitalism, which has
left no corner on the globe untouched?
We are living in a world dominated by capitalism, and under such a situation,
it is simply not possible to deny the power of the market. This does not
mean, however, that we should leave "Wild capitalism"as it is.
The only option available to us at this stage is to tame it so that it
serves the majority, and that requires seeking a new alternative existing
mid-way between the two failed systems of socialism and market economics.
As a new alternative to the two systems, Arif Dirlik7) discusses a pan-global
linkage based on critical regionalism. His theory involves redefining
both the past and the current situation from a critical analysis of the
different regional characteristics of the concerned regions. According
to Dirlik, what is needed is introspective self-criticism in which the
current reality is criticized on the basis of tradition, and tradition
re-evaluated in terms of modernity, rather than either totally disregarding
traditions completely, or embracing them unilaterally.8) Anthony Giddens
also finds the third way in the upholding of tradition. Giddens thinks
that as both socialism and liberalism are the offspring of modernity,
criticism against neo-liberalism inevitably leads to criticism against
modernity, and that an alternative to modernity can be found in tradition,
which is liberal precisely because of its nature of being "too conservative."He
continues, "What can be restored should be restored, and this is
true for Nature and tradition."His argument should not be interpreted
to mean that tradition should be revived in the same form, since "tradition
as it was" signifies fundamentalism, the inherent elements of which
are violence and oppression. Giddens argues that "tradition should
be conserved and revived so long as it functions as the source of universalized
solidarity." Tradition, according to him, is a concept anchored to
philosophical medievalism, focusing on the welfare and solidarity of members
of the community instead of individual segregation among them, thus pursuing
harmony between man and Nature.9)
In this sense, "Tradition" can be regarded as a new source of
"reflexive modernization."Until now, we have followed the footsteps
of Westerners while casting away our traditions at great cost to ourselves,
justifying our actions in the name of achieving modernity. But we have
ended up in a situation "Where the entire fabric of the society is
dependent upon the market"and "Where those excluded and isolated
become excluded one more time."A manifestation of this is the IMF
bailout crisis which opened an old wound in our society, a wound that
has not healed over the decades of modernization. Recognizing the severity
of the situation, we should take some measures if to prevent any further
decline. We have come to a point where we should seek self-sustaining
progress that considers the indigenous conditions of our separate regions
while reviving what we can take from the traditions that we abandoned
by our own choice.
Against this backdrop, it is necessary to re-interpret the Confucian spirit,
albeit its pre-modern nature. Many scholars in the West hope to silence
Asian scholars mentioning Oriental tradition, denunciating such attempts
as "conservative"or "retroactive."To them, universality
can be found only on Western soil, while on the other hand, our traditions
are nothing but a primitive manifestation of pre-modernity, confined by
geographical boundaries. Furthermore, they believe that Korean culture
lacks the dynamism required for growth.
However, there is no need to assume that Confucianism could not to contribute
to building a better society by incorporating the fruits of Western modernity.
Christianity, which has made a decisive contribution to the realization
of democracy in the modern Western Hemisphere, has survived while validating,
or even coexisting with, all forms of political systems. Likewise, Confucianism
presents ample possibilities for recording another surge of expansion
by adapting to new environments. And yet, then we are led to wonder: what
path towards progress can the Confucian philosophy offer, bound as it
is by the current circumstances?
Confucianism, characterized by its emphasis on serving the masses, has
promoted "Practical democracy"despite its failure to develop
"Procedural democracy."Mencius taught that "the masses
are the most precious, and then the royal shrines, and finally the king."Practical
democracy has emphasized the welfare and prosperity of the commonfolk
as the supreme priority of the governance of a nation. From now on, such
ideas should guide us in casting aside the superficiality of our democracy.
We should adopt as our goal the ideal of Taedong (Great Harmony), achieving
a society where people from all walks of life can equally participate
in the decision-making process, including policy-making, and can reap
a fair share of the fruits of their efforts by taking an equal part in
the activities of political parties, and in politics in general.10)
The economics marking the Confucian tradition can be characterized as
a "moral teleology of economics."From the Confucian perspective,
the material prosperity of an individual is worth seeking, as is mental
prosperity, because it is a source of personal happiness. What should
be kept in mind, however, is that material well-being in itself can never
be a goal of life, rather, its significance lies in its role as a means
by which an individual reaches moral perfection. Therefore, the profit-seeking
activities of a man are meaningful because they play a role in fostering
a physical environment favorable to the community, as long as it is being
guided by moral principles.
The
capitalist regime, however, is driven by greed. Human greed calls for
desire for consumption, and an increased desire for consumption leads to
production. Consequently, a vicious circle is inevitable in a capitalist
society in which people work in order to consume, and consume in order to
produce. The results of this vicious circle are realized in the forms of
the ever-widening gap between the "haves"and the "have-nots,"the
alienation of certain classes, the exaltation of materialistic values, and
the destruction of the eco-system. Attempts to halt this vicious circle
should focus on breaking the circle at certain key points. Serious efforts
at breaking this circle should start with abolishing human greed. Thus, we
must re-introduce the Confucian edict of "self-discipline"by initiating
mental and physical discipline into the core of our economic system. It
would then be possible for us to master our desires, freeing ourselves
from enslavement by them. We can achieve this only when we successfully
introduce the spirit of Confucianism represented by self-discipline and
self-regulation into the core of our contemporary society.
- For example, see Herman Kahn, World Economic
Development: 1979 and Beyond (Westview Press, 1979); Roderick Mac
Farquhar, "The Post-Confucian Challenge," The Economist,
February 1980.
- Ezra Vogel, Japan as Number One
(Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1979).
- Shimada Kenji, "Confucian Philosophy in
Contemporary World," Shisho, August 1988.
- Foreign Affairs, March 1994.
- Tu Wei-ming, Confucian Ethics Today: The
Singapore Challenge (Singapore: Federal Publications and CDIS,
1984).
- David Hall and Roger Ames, Thinking Through
Confucius (State University of New York Press, 1987).
- Arif Dirlik, The Postcolonial Aura: Third
World Criticism in the Age of Global Capitalism (Boulder: Westview
Press, 1997).
- "The Past as Legacy and Project: Post-colonial
Criticism in the Perspective of Indigenous Historicism,"in The
Postcolonial Aura: Third World Criticism in the Age of Global
Capitalism.
- Anthony Giddens, Beyond Left and Right: The
Future of Radical Politics (Stanford: Stanford University Press,
1995), pp.63-65.
- Seung-hwan Lee, "Progress of Culture Viewed from
Confucian Perspective,"in Korean Philosophical Association ed.,
Philosophical Reflection on the Progress of Culture (Seoul: Cholhakgwa Hyunsilsa, 1998).